CRESCENT AND LOTUS: HERITAGE OF THE PAST

The following article, authored by Shah Mahmud Qureshi, is republished from his book Crescent and Lotus: A Study on the Intellectual History of the Muslims of Bengal (up to 1947), whose comprehensive English edition was published in 2016 by the André Malraux Institute of Culture. Examining the intellectual evolution of Bengal’s Muslims within broader social, religious, literary, and colonial contexts, the article offers a significant contribution to the study of Muslim thought, Bengali cultural history, and the civilizational encounter symbolized by the crescent and the lotus.

---

Civilization is less in the objects than in the usage that one makes of it.

— Georges DUHAMEL

…to a remarkable degree the modern study of the history of the sub-continent of India has developed within a two dimensional framework, preoccupied with men and events and neglectful of intellectual history and of the influence of ideas. So to speak, the warp and woof of historical material is there, but we see it flat, lacking a three-dimensional view of the folds, creases, and convolutions of the cloth of history.

C. H. PHILLIPS

(Historians of India, Pakistan and Ceylon, London, 1961, p. 1)

Intellectual evolution among the Muslims of Bengal in modern times is the subject of our study. It is, however, restricted, for the reasons to be discussed below, to the years 1857-1947. These ninety years of Muslims' history in Bengal, we intend to examine in relation to their social stratification, their economic-political development, and, above all, their literary and intellectual expressions through their diverse writings in Bengali. It goes without saying that by concentrating primarily on this last aspect, we cannot but elaborate on others in a reduced manner. Even though these aspects cannot be disassociated from the intellectual life of any human group, and certainly not of the Muslims of Bengal, the complexity of the situation compels us to narrow down our field of vision. The Muslims of Bengal are, let us not forget, members of the Muslim community of India. They are, therefore, an Islamic people in the universal sense of the term. However, they are also Bengalis, which would mean that they are the inheritors of a provincial civilization conditioned by their neighbouring communities. Further, their overall evolution during this period had known colonial yoke. Hence, the structural analysis that we propose has no ambition. Let it be said thus to be complete, but would like to take in en passant consideration all the factors which constitute the infrastructure of this intellectual life. For this purpose, we shall try to bring out the activities and the motivation of Muslim leaders and writers, and to find out, through the history of Bengal, relations between the different domains.

This intellectual evolution it should be stated from the beginning could not be independent from what had happened among their immediate neighbour, that is to say, the Hindus of Bengal. In the pages that follow, we shall try to sketch the picture of their history. Here it will suffice to note that well before 1857, say from the beginning years of the 19th century, reform movements had taken place among the Hindus which naturally influenced their Muslim compatriots.

The course of history of the Muslims of Bengal, however, flowed differently. They isolated themselves (as historians see it) in the years after 1857, when the British government took charge of the country by transforming its statute de facto to statute de jure. The British found the Hindus to be docile and obedient subjects while they realized that the Muslims had trained into rebels who were always putting up resistance to them. As a consequence, socio-religious, politico-economic, spiritual and intellectual conflicts erupted during these ninety years thus, resulting in 1947 in the creation of two distinct sovereign states the Republic of India and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

Despite the social barriers which serve as multiple forces of it is beyond question that the intellectual life of the Muslims in Bengal was influenced by a number of great Bengali Hindu figures--Raja Rammohun Roy. Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Sri Ramakrishna, Swami Vivekananda. Rabindranath Tagore, C.R. Das, Subhash Chandra Bose, to name only a few. One can also say that, their political thinking likewise was profoundly stirred by the ideas of all-India leaders: Ranade, Gokhale, Naoroji, Gandhi, and Nehru. Conversely. Bengalees and other Indian Hindus were influenced during these tumultuous years by the Muslim personalities like Nawab Abdul Latif, Sayyid Amir Ali, Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan, Shibli Numani, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Maulana Mohammad Ali, Sir Iqbal, M. A. Jinnah, and Kazi Nazrul Islam Whatever may have been the currents and counter-currents of intellectual influences, the Muslims of Bengal seem to have stayed apart from all movements that were either recommended or organized or both by Hindus. Hence, the rare attempts for solidarity through a "Bengali renaissance" or a national awakening could not be effective.

So, we are led to ask ourselves the following questions: Why was there no synthesis and how did the unnoticed forces of dissuasion operate? Of course, a categorical reply to these queries cannot be given, it is not even desired. But, we do hope that by charting the intellectual history of the Muslims of Bengal we may find the basis of replies to the questions. There was in place an impassable barrier to any attempt to see problems in their totality because the political and intellectual leaders typically played but narrowed roles in time and space. And, this was due evidently to the conflict between, on the one side, a religion like Islam, on the other, the modern world with its scientific inventions, as well as to the resistance of the followers of Islam to all "reformation" in general. Moreover, the interaction of a turning backwards, due to the memory of Muslims' "glorious past", a ponderous and "actually present" heritage, impeded, it would seem, whatever progress and development one might have expected. These observations, expressed in such a didactic and condensed manner, may appear vague or abstract without reading this work, which is divided into two principal parts. In the first part, we consider the events of the period 1857-1905, during which time some Muslim leaders tried to awaken their fellow co-religionists from their "eternal slumber" and make them participate in certain social and educational activities. The leaders did not, however, encourage their participation in politics, whereas, in the case of their neighbors, the Hindus, such participation started precisely at that time. That being said, we must not fail to mention the positive and negative results of the activities of the Amir Ali group and their repercussions during the years which followed.

Thus, it appears legitimate to characterize this period as the Seizure of Consciousness. As such, it demands from us a serious study. In the first chapter, we develop the themes expressed by the activities and statements of leading Muslim personalities. Then, in the context of this Seizure of Consciousness, we shall try to present, in the two following chapters the motivation of intellectuals (journalists, polemicists, etc.), and creative writers. These thinkers and creative genius reveal to us, indeed, very interestingly, the social situation and its progressive evolution while often enough accentuating only their own personal experiences.

The more recent period, which spans between 1905 and 1947, presents to us an extremely complex picture of political and intellectual evolution. By characterizing the history of this period as the Seizure of Position, we want to describe the situation and analyze the essential facts which made the Muslims of Bengal opt in favour of separation from India. The diverse aspects of political participation which repeatedly play out in the Indian context reveal as well the role of the Muslim intellectuals in this grand undertaking. Their speculative and literary works furnish enough substantive material for us to consider them in a special chapter. The discoveries that we make from their unknown or distortedly known history have been presented in a comprehensive and composite way so that it may focus on the intellectual evolution among the Muslims of Bengal.

Before turning to examine the evidence and its interpretation be it subjective or objective it may not be out of place to consider some aspects of the history of Bengal concerning the place of the Muslims their origin and their heritage that originated in their past. Before turning to examine the evidence and its interpretation - be it subjective or objective - it may not be out of place to consider some aspects of the history of Bengal concerning the place of the Muslims - their origin and their heritage that originated in their past. It is obvious that such a retrospective portrayal cannot but be partial, considering the density and richness of that history. But, its necessity as a preliminary should be evident from the nature of our study.

Bengal was invaded by the Muslims at the very beginning of the thirteenth century. The Turkish general, Ikhtiyar Uddin Muhammad Bakhtiyar Khalji, found no difficulty in conquering it with the help of a small band of cavalry. Though the Hindu king and his dynasty continued for some decades to rule a few small principalities of East Bengal, in the neighbourhood of Dacca, the conquest and consolidation of Muslim power in Bengal was astonishingly rapid though complicated. The historical data, collected exclusively from the Muslim sources, were frequently discussed by the historians and were always challenged by the Hindu writers of the nineteenth century, who viewed them with suspicion. Everyone wanted, in fact, to attribute some heroic qualities to their own "ancestors". It is not been possible to deny the fact that the invading party was small. But that is not the real issue,What one ignores, but what one should grant importance to, is that the Muslims won in the war not only because their military tactics were superior, but also because their path was prepared for by the submission of an oppressed people - the Buddhists and the Hindus of the lower castes. Also, the consternation caused by the Muslim power in other parts of India and the internal conflicts among the Hindu élites, who were not being supported by the masses, played, it seems, a capital role in favour of the Muslims.4 For their consolidation of power, the Muslims could count on the help and sympathy of new converts, who were mainly recruited from amongst the oppressed populace. 

There is no doubt that at that time the Bengalis were attracted by Islam. Even before the invasion, Arab merchants and travelers, who were in their own way missionaries, had come to Bengal and settled themselves there. The region was rich at the time and well-known for its natural products and artifacts. Afterwards, numerous ulemas and Sufis came here and, established their khanqahs (religious hostels), and propagated the idea of one God and Muhammad (p.b.u.h), His last prophet. Being attracted by the simplicity, generosity, and kindness of the Sufis, sometimes even by their miraculous deeds as well as by the democratic and egalitarian message of Islam, the people converted en masse to the new religion. Some rare high-caste Hindus also converted to Islamic belief; it was, however, not always for religion itself, but for experiencing the taste of something new and for making themselves acceptable to the dominant race. Thus, one can conclude that the propagation of Islam in Bengal was peaceful and that the number of new converts continued to increase through out the centuries. This was largely due to the Sufi saints who scattered throughout and the four corners of the province, as can be proved from the remains of their tombs and shrines. Accordingly, the teachings of the Sufis affected the entire literary tradition of Bengal, particularly its spiritual and intellectual life. 

The invaders of Turkish-Afghan origin also brought with them priests, warriors, functionaries, and servants, all co-religionists. The black slaves from Abyssinia also made their homes in Bengal. Some of them even usurped royal power from 1486 to 1493. Many other Muslims, coming from the Middle East in times of their crisis, found intellectual purposes. 14 Artistic and architectural productions likewise were flourishing at that time. The Hindu epoch of the history of Bengal lasted scarcely one century. The Sen dynasty reigned over the major part of the province and changed the course of its culture by establishing a proper Brahmanic Hindu tradition. Orthodoxy made its way in the social hierarchy. Brahmins, who had their origins in some other parts of India, were invited to settle in Bengal where they were offered funds and land. So far as the cultural formation is concerned, classical erudition was based on the study of Sanskrit. The Bengali poets introduced gaudiya riti (style) into Sanskrit poetics. The Gita-Govinda by Javadeva was composed at the court of Laksman Sen, the last Hindu king of Bengal. With no consideration for the development of the language of the country, they put all their efforts into systematizing and Sanskritizing names, speech, and even manners. This process continued, despite some difficulties, even during the period of Muslim rule, and up to the present day. For more than a century after the collapse of Hindu rule, Bengal experienced dark years of war and chaos. The Turkish-Afghan invaders were not the model flag-bearers of Muslim civilization. Moreover, they were engaged in establishing their supremacy by the force of arms and by wars for dynastic succession and annexation. Peace returned a little later and a new era started when a Pathan Sultan - Shams al-Din Ilyas Shah (A.D. 1342-47) - wore the crown of Gaur upon his head, thus, unifying all the parts of Bengal which were at the hands of Muslims. Henceforward, as J. H. Rowlands comments:

 "With the contact of the Muslims, Bengal underwent profound modification. Their influence was felt not only on the language, literature, and administration, but also on social and religious life." in Bengal an agreeable as it was exile far from Delhi, capital of the central power. The province, which had long since been marked by a plurality of ethnic groups (and a great concern for ethnologists has been to determine whether or not the Aryans of the pure type existed in Bengal),"thus, became the homeland where diverse races, maintaining their distinct cultures, gathered under the Muslim rule. Prior to Muslim penetration, the Gangetic delta, which spreads out in the north-east of India, was a prominent region for indigenous Buddhisin. On the other hand, Dravidians in the western Bengal and Mongolians in the eastern Bengal also occupied large tracts. The Aryans' influence there came very late. Annadasankar Ray, in his brilliant account of Bengali literature, notes that the continental part of India used to ignore the existence of Bengal at that time. But, Bengal was developing itself, thanks to the fertility of its soil and the diversity of its population. So, he writes, 

"Men met and mingled on her shores, giving an impetus to her genius which has been renewed continually throughout her history by a steady influx of new ideas and new blood."

From the sixth century BC, Bengal entered into contact with the Aryan civilization through the intermediacy of Jain and Buddhist ascetics. But, it was not until the third century BC (during the reign of Asoka) that it could penetrate into the interior of the country. However, the dominant power (the Buddhists) of the time created a synthesis of divergent cultures of this country of valleys and rivers where, unlike in the other regions of India, one could loathe the system of castes and other characteristics of Brahmanic orthodoxy. The Bengali language appeared in its primitive form, towards the end of the Buddhist epoch (A.D. 650-1100), it was utilized for Obviously, we cannot describe in detail all the radical changes operative in all aspects of life in Bengal. But, The Muslim rule for nearly six hundred years presents a rich, picturesque, and quite complex history. The paucity of documents constrains us. However, the most recent researches on this subject enlighten us and oblige us to make some pertinent preliminary remarks in this regard. 

Let us now begin by dividing the following period of Muslim domination into two large parts: (i) the period of independent Pathan Sultans (A.D. 1338-1576) (ii) and the Moghul period, (1576-1757). 

On the Pathan epoch, the opinions of the historians are never unanimous. An extreme point of view; for example, was formulated by J.C. Ghosh: 

"The Muslim conquest dealt a deadly blow to Hindu culture, and the conquerors had next to nothing to offer in its place. India has rarely known rulers so utterly barbarous as the Pathans or experienced such distress as she did under them. Muslim culture in India did not properly begin until the days of Moghul rule, and Bengal did not become a part of the Moghul Empire until 1576. Even then, Bengal was too far away from Delhi, the imperial capital, to receive the full stream of Muslim culture."

Now, with the assistance from the authentic sources published recently, we can ascertain that the truth is altogether contrary to this view. This point of view, however being widely shared, merely reflects a premature generalization that is found to be habitual to certain historians of India. Moreover, the evidence is not presented with objectivity.

In fact, the Pathan régime, which brought about a golden age in Bengal, did not accept the authority of the central power in northern India (until the conquest of Bengal by Sher Shah in 1538). Being independent of the authority of Delhi, they made Bengal a nation that was politically and culturally recognizable. They, the dominant power at that time, considered the country as their own homeland.

The religious and social life of the Hindus and that of the Muslims underwent changes and remained open to new ideas along with the political and economic trends in the country. The Hindu orthodoxy certainly lost ground in Gaur, the then capital, but continued to exert its influence in the town of Navadvip and all over Bengal. Thanks must go to its impressive schools and its renowned pundits. With the advent of the great Hindu saint, Sri Chaitanya (1486-1533 A.D.), who propagated Vaishnava bhakti (Vaishnavist devotion) with perfect freedom of spirit, there emerged a rebirth of Hinduism along with a cultural renewal in the country. Furthermore, obscure religious cults emanating from Tantrik Buddhism and indigenous Hinduism, such as the cults of Dharma, Manasa, etc, also were in full bloom, and these were together producing a vast literature. The influence of these movements on the intellectual life of Bengal in the Middle Ages was enormous. It goes without saying that the dominant power, as attested to by the literature of the epoch, did not put obstacles to these developments.

The Muslims, in their turn, multiplied the number of mosques and madrasas in the four corners of Bengal and developed for themselves a profoundly religious culture. The initiatives of numerous Arab and Persian missionaries were remarkable in this regard. And, these were not fanatic in spirt. The Sufis of different schools, notably from among the Chistiya and Suhrawardiya, who came from Central Asia, propagated their ideas peacefully.Their teachings had such an influence that neither the Muslims nor the Hindus could escape from these. And, they affected profoundly the intellectual and spiritual activities of the Bengalis. Now, in this state of liberty, it is not surprising to see the appearance of the Bauls - the syncretists par excellence - even at the core of Muslim society, although their ideas on the world and life were mostly contrary to those in Islam. Being infused by the mad love of the Sufis and the esotericism of the Tantrik Buddhists, the Bauls preached a new philosophy of human existence that fascinated the indigenous people of Bengal. According to their prophets, divinity and life in the other world have been "pushed away by the mandirs (temples) and the mosques". Hence, it is appropriate to note that in the Islamization of Bengal the role of the Sultans was not of the highest order. The Sultans of Bengal were neither hostile, nor pleased, by the destruction of the temples. But, the example of the Muslim monarchies constitutes a great factor in the social evolution in Bengal. The Sultans contributed largely to the birth of Muslim civilization in Bengal. They constructed numerous mosques and madrasas and took steps to make them the real centers of erudition and theological studies. They established contact with Baghdad and accepted the Khalifs as Amir-al-Muminin (commanders of the faithful) and declared themselves as Nasir-i-Amir al-Muminin (assistants to the commanders of the faithful) or Gawth-al-Islam-wal-Muslimin (aides of Islam and of the Muslims). 30 Likewise, they founded mosques, madrasas, and inns for pilgrims in the sacred cities of Mecca and Medina.¹ They accorded all possible facilities to the pilgrims for the accomplishment of hajj, the tradition of which continues even today in this far-off region. It is right to point this out, as it accounts for the development of that orthodoxy in the nineteenth century which enveloped Bengali Muslims through a dream of the act of retuning to the purity of Islam even after the end of Muslim rule in India.

The intellectual activities of the Muslims in the Middle Ages, centered round the religious institutions, were sustained essentially by the study of Islamic sciences. The meditations of the Sufis were, likewise, appreciated by the Bengalis, who generally have an inclination towards the mystical spirit. Their compositions, unfortunately, have disappeared leaving no trace. Some rare manuscripts in Arabic and Persian were saved or were known through some historical chronicles of the age. The Muslim scholars learned Sanskrit with the intention of appreciating Indian civilization. Some of them even tried to write in this sacred language. Only one such example of this sort of literature has reached us. It is a hymn on the Ganges by a Muslim saint of the fourteenth century - Daraf Khan Ghazi of Tribeni. It is said that his Sanskrit is that of a master of the language: lucid, elegant, and sonorous." Before that, the example of a great dervish, Makhdum Jalal Uddin Tabrizi, who came to Bengal before the Muslim invasion, had influenceda poet of the Hindu court to consecrate a Sanskrit work entitled Shaikh-Subhodaya on his teachings and his miracles. The Muslims, quite naturally, utilized Arabic first and then Persian. The inscriptions of this period were written entirely in Arabic. Among others, the Hadiths of the Prophet were inscribed everywhere and fostered, so to speak, the psychological formation of the Muslims: 

1. Education is obligatory for all faithful men and women.

2. The ink of scholars is valued more than the blood of martyrs. 

3. Go to China, if necessary, to acquire knowledge, etc. One nourished oneself through Persian poetry at that time and a Sultan even sought to invite the great Iranian poet Hafiz to Bengal," Nevertheless, the intellectuals of the Middle Ages did not respect Bengali as a medium of expression because of the poverty of this language, not yet well-cultivated by men of letters. The Buddhist Siddhas, as has been indicated above, had already expressed their thoughts in archaic Bengali, But, during the Hindu domination, Bengali language lost its place as Sanskrit only could find its cradle of development among the unlettered, indigenous people. Thereafter, its status changed. Dr. D. C. Sen, the great authority on the subject, commented thus: 

"This elevation of Bengali to a literary status was brought about by several influences of which the Mohammadan conquest was undoubtedly one of the foremost. If the Hindu Kings had continued to enjoy independence, Bengali would scarcely have got an ,38 opportunity to find its way into the courts of kings.”

Now, thanks to the Sultans and Muslim generals, use of Bengali was encouraged. They patronized almost all the poets of the period: Vidyapati, Candidasa, Krittivasa, Kavindra Parameshvar, to mention but few great names. In their turn, the Muslims brought to the classical literature of Bengal an important contribution. It is necessary to name here Muhammad Saghir, employed in the service of Sultan Ghyasuddin Azam Shah (A.D. 1389-1409), who composed in remarkable verses Yusuf-Zulekha, the famous love story adapted from the Bible and the Qur'an for Bengali readers, by putting in some local colour," And, some other names are of equal importance as well - Zainuddin, poet laureate of Sultan Yusuf Shah (1474-1481). who presented in the Buddhist manner Rasul-vijay, a romanticized biography of the Prophet; the works of Muzammil (15th century). Niti-Shastra Bharta, Sayat-nama (poems on morality and mysticism)" of Afzal Ali (16th century) Nasihat-Nama (philosophical poem); of Sabirid Khan (16th century) Vidya-Sundar, Rasul-Vijay and Hanifa-o-Kayra Parir Larai; and finally, from the hand of Shaikh Faizullah (15-16th century), Go-Raksha-Vijay, Ghazi-Vijay, Satya-Pir, Jaynaler Chautisha and Rag-nama (on the classical music of India). 

Many other authors appeared in the literary scene in even greater number during the Moghul period (1576-1757). This was not because of any lavish encouragement by the dominant power, but because of the natural progress of Bengali idioms and the recognition of this fact by the Muslim intellectuals. There is no proof that the Bengali poets were rewarded by the Moghuls, with the exception of a few feudal chiefs (Hindus and Muslims), the kings of Tippera (presently, a state in India) and Arakan (Burma/Myanmar). Sayyid Sultan (late 16th century), author of Nabi-Bangsha and Shab-i-Mehraj, Nasrullah Khan (end of 16th century), author of Janga-nama, Muhammad Khan (begining of the 17th century), author of Satya-Kali-Bibad- Sangbad and Makhtul-Hussain, and the poets - Daulat Kazi, Qureshi Magan Thakur, Alaol, Sheikh Chand, and Haji Muhammad - are among the great names in all of Bengali literature. 

It is not possible for us to cite in few lines all the names of the Muslim poets or to appreciate all their works. In addition to the few authors and their works mentioned above, there existed more than a hundred Muslim poets most of whom composed songs which are considered as Vaishnava hymns for their themes and inspiration. א Muslim works, as a whole, could be classified into three large categories: (i) romantic tales drawn from the contents of the Qur'an. from Persian poetry, or from the legendary literature of India, where one finds metaphysical inquiry of human interest; (ii) religious works written for their co-religionist readers so that they could better understand the philosophy, laws, and history of Islam; and, (iii) finally, the mystic works inspired initially by Sufi thoughts and then by mixing this with similar Bengali currents: Vaishnava, Baul, Murshidi, etc. Almost all the poets contributed to these three categories. They brought new forms, styles, and Arabic-Persian neologisms and, especially, interest in human beings and human life. The Muslim poets introduced love-stories focusing on jealousy as well as human sufferings without making any attempts to transform their heroes into divine characters as was the case with their Hindu counterparts. In all these categories, especially the third one, we have before us a kind of literature that tries to synthesize Bengali culture and ideas and to transpose this synthesis into a beautiful form. It was here that a common civilization of the Hindus and the Muslims was being formed which was distinct from, even contrary to the "Indo-Muslim" civilization, created by the Moghuls.vOver and beyond social and spiritual life, Muslim literary creativity illustrates and reinforces this synthetic civilization. The poet Sayyid Sultan, for example, in his magnum opus, Nabibangsha (Genealogy of the Prophets), considered Brahma, Vishnu, Maheshvar, and Krishna as prophets who appeared prior to those mentioned in the Qur'an. Just as the Muslims participated in the Vaishnava devotion, so the Hindus likewise venerated Muslim pirs (Saints) as immediate and intermediary spiritual guides. Alaol, a Muslim, was one of the most celebrated poets of the seventeenth century, and a great master of Hindu sciences; he became "the pioneer ofthe Bengali neo-classicism.

Bengali architecture, developed during the period of independent Sultans, similarly exhibits this cultural synthesis. The most ancient of Hindu temples still standing are of this period. Notwithstanding their traditional form of Bengali house, these temples are influenced by Indo-Saracen architecture as attested to by the dimensions of vaults, the numerous domes and towers, and the multiple roses and geometric designs. On the other hand, mosques, madrasas, and monuments constructed by the sultans borrowed certain forms and details from the local architecture.48 This is manifested clearly by the Adina mosque at Pandua (the second largest in all of India), which was constructed between 1364 and 1374. One notices in other old mosques an admixture of Muslim geometrical art and of floral designs inspired by Hindu forms andalpanas. Better yet, the symbol of the lotus is adapted in an "Islamized" form wherein the word "Allah" is engraved in Arabic; one also sees, here and there, a multitude of crescents with stars. This symbol, we should point out here, has since become very popular among the Muslims of Bengal.

As for the pictorial art, it can be said here that it is well-known that Muslim orthodoxy does not favour any figurative art. Accordingly, as is the case elsewhere in the Islamic world, Muslim Bengal did not produce objects of art of exceptional value. All the same, the folk art of Bengal inherited by the Muslims had a flourishing, limited, of course; but it developed in a new direction, It is in the art of tapestry, picture scrolls of the hero-saints Ghazir pat), and works of ceramics and pottery that this flourishing is remarkable. These developments in art, architecture, and literature under the Pathans were not always patronized by the regime in power, but were rather fostered by the socio-political climate that prevailed in that epoch. The tolerance and ambiance of liberalism to which the medieval literature attests helped the Bengali genius find the synthesis it sought. The arrival of the Moghuls, may, perhaps not have been decisive in this respect. Moreover, a new fusion, which might have had good results, was not possible, it seemed, because of the resistance that Bengal posed to them.52 If the good relationship between the lotus and the crescent, which was making the diverse cultures in Bengal into one civilization, was not directly threatened by the Moghul invasion, it was so threatened by the continuous wars and by internal conflicts among the feudal chiefs and by the great epidemic of 1575. Gaur, the prestigious capital of Bengal under the Sultans, was destroyed. w And, other cities which claimed the title could never attain the glory gaon? of Gaur or of the cities of central and northern India. Henceforth, the new capitals of Bengal identified their culture with that of Agra and Delhi, without preserving their own distinct features. The poet Mukunda Rama traces for us a pathetic picture of that epoch. 35 Bengali poets were not patronized by the Moghul emperors even though they did not hesitate to eulogize them when peace returned during the reigns of Shah Jahan (1627-1657) and Aurangzeb (1657-1707).56 Socially, the Moghuls introduced a new element represented by the Shi'ites.57 Their heroic and tragic poetry were born out of the events in Karbala and their social and religious festivals prove the existence of this element, which was very powerful up to the fall of the Muslims. 58 The generous distribution of land, especially to the Hindu feudal chiefs, and the birth of a middle class of businessmen, bankers, and intermediaries (mostly Hindus), caused a social stratification in this period. " Generally, the newcomers and the indigenous converts to Islam are to be found respectively either at 60 the top or at the bottom of the social ladder. There was certainly a Muslim middle class-first of all the civil servants, and then the intellectuals and businessmen. But, being numerically weak and habitually comfort-loving, it did not play a significant role in social transformation. It associated for the most part with the upper class, but during times of crisis with the lower class. One should keep these points in mind because in the intellectual evolution of the Muslims during the recent times, interaction between the social classes has been a decisive factor.

Economically, Bengal was a viable country. It abounded in diverse vegetal products which used to nourish and clothe the inhabitants as well as help them do business with foreigners. In addition to the references we find in Muslim historiography and Bengali literature, the chronicles made by Arab, Chinese, and European travellers over the centuries reveal to us the richness of this alluvial land. The abundance of its agricultural products and the excellence of its indigenous industries enabled Bengal from the beginning of the eighteenth century to engage itself in virtually unilateral foreign export trade. Bengal accumulated wealth in gold from selling its merchandise to European countries. But, due to the poor condition of administration at that time, the wealth of the country was utilized only to benefit the upper class, which frustrated the lower class and retarded the evolution of the middle class. One might think that the flourishing of the latter would have constituted the most solid pillar of a balanced social system. Now, the evolution of this middle class became delayed. And, this was due in large measure to the British - the new masters of the country. They reversed the system of external commerce as the national wealth was transferred to Great Britain. An English civil servant explains well of the situation: 

“During the Muslim administration, individuals spent their fortune in place from where they acquired them and even when severe measures might have been undertaken by the State for its accumulation, the rapid circulation of money permitted to largely ameliorate and to embellish the country 3366 without diminution of the value of money.”

Notwithstanding its flourishing economy, the situation in Bengal started to deteriorate from the early years of the eighteenth century. The Moghul regime became weak at the center and internal conflicts engulfed the country The feudal chiefs declared themselves independent and a chaotic condition prevailed all through Bengal. In this state of affairs, cultural development consequently found itself at an impasse. The Muslim poets did not find original inspiration, with the exception of writers like Gariibullah and Sayyid Hamza, who introduced a new literary style called dobhashi (bilingual), that is to say, a Muslim literature of rustic tendency. 

The literary scene was enriched, as well, by the appearance of a great Hindu poet, Bharat Chandra (d. 1760), who earned his celebrity by exalting the neo-classicism of Alaol. Bharat Chandra was able to accept jabani-mishal language (i.e., Bengali mixed with Arabic and Persian words used by the Muslims) in his poetic expression. But subsequently, towards the end of the eighteenth century, due to the efforts of the Christian missionaries and the English administrators to bring about the birth of Bengali prose, an intellectual transformation took place. Then Bengali poetry took a new turn and clothed itself with something that was more urban than ever before. The Muslim intellectuals (together with many Hindu village-dwellers) found themselves alienated from this new trend. A sudden change in all aspects of life in Bengal appeared imminent once again.70 This change was due essentially to the appearance of a third force - a political, economic, and cultural force in Bengal, and a little later, throughout India. This force represented in large measure the new Occident: commercial, imperialist, Christian, and scientific. We know that from the sixteenth century the traders and then the missionaries (Portuguese, French, Danish, and English) came successively to the soil of Bengal. Being motivated by commercial interests and imperial ambitions, the British proved the superiority of their power of organization. And, being aided by certain ministers, by generals, and by the emerging Hindu bourgeoisie, they inflicted defeat upon Sirajuddowla, the Nawab of Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa. This defeat, as is well-known, brought to the Bengalis, and later to the Indians, nearly two centuries of foreign domination. Soon after this event, a Hindu "renaissance" manifested itself in Bengal. But the Muslims disappeared from the national scene for a century (1757-1857). Now we must take into account the events that took place during all these years, without which the Muslim renewal towards the end of the nineteenth century as well as the currents and counter-currents of more immediate recent history may elude our understanding. at British imperialism in India starts with the Nawab's defeat Plassey in Bengal in 1757. But, it is well-known to the historians that this did not directly bestow privileges of power on the English and did not, by itself, affect the political destiny of the country. No new commercial advantage was demanded from Mir Zafar, the new Nawab of Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa. The East India Company did not desire much advantages from him, as it was being satisfied with the accords previously agreed upon. For a considerable time, it did not show any enthusiasm for controlling the administration of the country, but was satisfied with exploiting its wealth. Other developments, however, like, the diarchy (introduced by Clive in 1765) and. the act of shifting the capital from Murshidabad (last. Muslim capital) to Calcutta (1768) had great repercussions for the political and economic life of the country. The devastating famine in 1769 destroyed the economic equilibrium among the masses." And, the Permanent Settlement in 1793 ruined all the high bourgeois Muslim families." A yet more severe blow to Muslim interests came in 1820 with the Resumption Proceedings, which resulted in the ruin of thousands of cultured families and innumerable prospering educational organizations. * Lord Cornwallis, author of these reforms, ostensibly introduced these in the economic interest of the country, and admitted that these were also in the political interest of the imperial power." The enduring effects of these changes have not always been recognized. An artisan class destroyed, industry ruined, commerce passed altogether into the hands of the foreigner, a "return to the land," following the unanticipated changes to the system of rural property, but with the cultivators yet more miserable, a new middle class seeking favour from the British who had created it - a class division ever more visible between the literate and the illiterate, the extinction of moral and spiritual enterprises, and the decline of creative power, finally the rapid decadence of rural civilization - such is the balance sheet of these reforms. In the end, it was the Muslims who, more than all their compatriots, became the victims.

In the religio-cultural domain, the situation was even worse. Although Warren Hastings, the then Viceroy, founded an Islamic College in 1781 in response to the desire and demand of the Muslims, systematic patronage of the Hindus was manifest from the beginning of British administration in the programmes of Fort William College and the educational activities in the Hindu College (1817), the Sanskrit College (I 829), the Calcutta School Book Society, and the Committee of Public Instruction (1823). The Muslims were yet to lose their trump asset in 1836, when English replaced Persian as the official language. English education spread gradually in the country. From the beginning of the nineteenth century, if not earlier, the Hindus began to take advantage of it. The Muslims, on the contrary, proudly kept themselves aloof because of their antipathy towards foreign intermediary. It was not their only motive; they were suspicious of the demoralizing effects because already the Christian missionaries had launched vigorous attack against their religion while without neglecting to convert the local people.83 Also, in a frightened and demoralized population there were born distrust and hostile fear towards the British, thus leading finally to a battle unto death. The Wahabi revolt together with the great struggle of 1857 are the proofs of this, both of which had an aspect of nationalist aspiration and an eminently religious character.

One is amazed and disheartened to witness the decadence of the Islamic populace of the subcontinent, which corresponded with a more global phenomenon in this period of history.85 As far as the Muslims of Bengal are concerned, it seemed that they were submerged in an "eternal slumber". Their political, economic, and social degradation was even worse than the situation of a people who had just lost their liberty. Being distanced from all the good things of life, the Muslims of this epoch did not even immerse themselves in the stream of their own civilization. They were in utter social, cultural, and intellectual decadence at that time.

They had forgotten their revolutionary democratic ideas and the ideas of social equality and spiritual unity of Islam, which previously had created a new current in the Indian civilization. In place of this, bigotry and divisiveness in the form of a system of castes and other social evils had embedded themselves in all corners of the Muslim society. This condition persisted, although to a lesser degree, up to the first decade of the twentieth century, even after numerous reforms. This led the poet Muhammad Iqbal to say in'disgust: 

“Surely we have out-Hindued the Hindu himself; we are suffering from a double caste system, sectarianism and the social caste system which we have either learned or inherited Infrom the Hindus. This is one of the quiet ways in whici tho conquered nations revenge themselves on their conquerors.”

The vast masses of the Muslim proletariat in Bengal, illiterate and miserable, possessed nothing of the Islamic social system in its pure state, unless it is the "golden rule": one God, mission of the Prophet, truth of the Qu'ran. They were accustomed to join in Hindu festivals, not merely as spectators, but as enthusiastic participants. When epidemics broke out, they would indirectly join the puja (worship) of Shitala and Rakhsakali, the goddesses of epidemics, in order to be spared. In remote villages, many other Hindu gods and goddesses were worshipped right up to the twentieth century. Devotion to pirs (Saints) or murshids (spiritual directors), living or dead, became an institution which turned into a form of idolatry. Nevertheless, these social aberrations should not be confused with the spiritual and intellectual synthesis undertaken during the Middle Ages by various forces of which we have already spoken. Dates for marriage were fixed regularly by Hindu astrologers. Polygamy and divorce generally went hand in hand. Excessive expenditures for marriages threw the Muslim peasants into the cruel hands of Hindu money-lenders. Often they lost their land, their homes, and all their belongings. Quarrels with their neighbours led them to the courts of law, where they spent their last farthing on Hindu lawyers. This situation was noted and criticized by many Muslim intellectuals; but, due to the abnormal condition in the society, none could avoid totally these machinations. On the contrary, all had become their prey.

This grave situation poses a difficult problem for the historian. Had there been no education on the part of the Muslims, who were for a long time responsible for the administration of the country and who possessed a rich heritage? Nor among their heirs and those who followed them? No amount of historical evidence can satisfy our desire to resolve the problem. But, one thing is beyond any doubt: the country was not illiterate, even though evidently it lacked the scientific education of modern Western nations. A thorough study of the state of cultural and social development and of the enormous quantity of available documents would confirm this. On the basis of only official British records and the report made by a missionary, Professor Max Muller ascertained that there were 80,000 indigenous schools in Bengal prior to the British occupation. But, because of the changes mentioned above, the Muslim community preferred to restrict itself to religious instructions and to nourish itself on popular traditional and religious literature, rather than make the best use of modern education - scientific or literary.

We have already mentioned that the cultural or pedagogic institutions of the Muslims had been ruined by various reforms. We have got reasons to believe that all élite (sharif) Muslim families maintained a scholarly establishment wherein the members of their families and their poor neighbours received a free and liberal education. Some of these establishments survived even into the twentieth century, although the greater part of these important centers had disappeared after the imposition of the political reforms. That had two absolutely tragic consequences. In the first place, the Muslims were altogether absent from Indian history in the first half of the nineteenth century, and more particularly, from the events of the period of the Bengali "renaissance". Secondly, in place of participating in this "renaissance" or attempting an alternative one, they developed among themselves a movement that went counter to the dominant modernist tendency on the principle of returning to early Islam. Before treating in detail the religious movements of the time, we wish to emphasize an intellectual trait of the Muslims noticed by Dr. W.W. Hunter who, by virtue of his being a member of the civil service, had involved himself for a long time with the Muslim peasantry and aristocracy of Bengal in order to observe the situation. His study, The Indian Mussalmans (1871), although written from an imperial perspective with a desire to know whether the Muslims were "constrained by their religion to revolt against the Queen" (the subtitle of the first edition; the study was inspired by the Viceroy of the time, Lord Mayo), was welcomed by historians as the best document on the Wahabi movement of India and on the social state of the Muslims in India, in general, and in Bengal, in particular. 

According to Hunter,

"The Hindu has unquestionably a high order of intellect but an universal and immeasurable superiority on the part of the Hindus, such as would be required to explain their monopoly of official preferment, is unknown at the present day, and is in direct contradiction to their past history. The truth is that when the country passed under our rule, the Musulmans were the superior race, and superior not only in stoutness of heart and strength of arm, but in power of political organization, and in the science of practical government.”

Hunter was also of the opinion that the Muslim educational system, although somewhat outdated and inferior to the English system, was infinitely superior to other systems existing in India. Despite that, the British government introduced a policy of public instructions and quickly formed a generation of educated people (incidentally, not the Muslims) to staff the operations of the various colonial offices. The old Muslim system was abandoned and the Muslim youth found all approaches to public life closed to them. Hunter further observed that : 

"Had the Musalmans been wise, they would have perceived the change, and accepted their fate. But an ancient conquering race cannot easily divest itself of the traditions of its nobler days.”

His criticism of the initial English system of education is also noteworthy:

"No youngman, whether Hindu or Muhammadan, passes through our Anglo-Indian school without learning to disbelieve the faith of his father. ... In addition to the rising generation of sceptics, we have the support of the comfortable classes: men of inert convictions and of some property, who say their prayers, decorously attend the mosque, and think very little about the matter. But important as these two sections of the Muhammedans may be from a political point of view, it has always seemed to me an inexpressibly painful incident of our position in India that, the best men are not on our side."

Now, it is helpful to consider briefly the ideas and action of the "best men", who, when their Hindu compatriots were on the British side and taking advantage of this liaison, were themselves working against the foreign power and were creating a "chronic hostility" towards them. Although totally crushed in 1868 (by the famous Wahabi trials) and again in 1871, when Hunter was writing this book and when other currents had already penetrated the society, the British regime could expect no more than that they would limit themselves to inaction. The "best men" were represented by the Wahabi heroes. The reformist movements, religious and social, which they had launched and these which one can criticize as aggressive, reactionary, and xenophobic, had definitely left their stamp on the subsequent evolution ofthe society.

Although these movements were for a long time thought to be an enterprise directed by the Wahabis, whether of the left or of the right, recent researches reveal that there were two movements in Bengal which were quite distinct from the Arab movement and divergent in their programmes and objectives. The first, called the Faraidi Movement, was very much in the line of Wahabism, whereas the second, the Tariqat-i-Muhammadiya, had its origin in Delhi in the teachings of Shah Waliyullah (1703-1762). As both of these developed into large mass movements, they became very active in the events that stirred the entire nineteenth century, especially in its earlier half.

The Faraidi presented itself as a movement of socio-economic reforms among the lower strata of the Muslims, primarily in Bengal, being inspired by the same motives as the Wahabis, but without the ferocity of their iconoclasm. The Tariqat, on the other hand, tried to develop a programme of politico-religious renewal in all sectors of the Muslims in India. Despite the similarity of their condemnation of polytheistic customs (shirk) and heretical innovations (bid'ah) of contemporary society, the Tariqat differed with the Faraidi on certain fundamental doctrinal matters. The Faraidis were in favour of taqlid, that is to say, adherence to traditional Muslim laws without reexamination. The Tariqatis, on the contrary, advocated ijtihad, that is to say, the critical and novel examination of the teachings of the Qur'an and the traditions of the Prophet.

It was a Bengali, Haji Shariat Allah (1781-1840), who launched the Faraidi movement around 1818. Twenty years of his residence and religious studies in Mecca made him a new person, intellectually. There, he was initiated into the methods of organization exemplified by the Wahabis of his contemporary Arabia. On his return to Bengal, he was able to gather around himself quickly numerous co-religionists with whom he acted as the ustad (teacher) while they his shagrids (students), thus distancing himself from the time-honored system of pir (master) and murids (disciples). He condemned this latter system, which, in his opinion, carried the risk that the disciples would finally offer submission to their spiritual master and fall into the domain of shirk (worship of another, besides Allah).

He had the merit of resuscitating the religious fervour of the Muslims of Bengal, until then "docile and apathetic". Gradually, these believers returned to the true Islamic belief by rejecting the socio-religious aberrations that have been already described. But, by doing this they suppressed the landmarks that they had set up in tespect of the synthesis of culture in Bengal, already menaced by other forces since the arrival of the British. The literary production of this period and, above all, the interest that the public showed in religious and communal literature confirm this observation, The ignorance of Hindus about this clandestine development among the Muslims is in large measure the origin of the latter social schism.

The Muslim attitude, naturally, was hostile towards the British political power. But, Shariat Allah did not advocate a programme of jihad (holy war) against it. Even so, he declared that the British India had become a dar-ul-harb (an abode of war), wherein one should not perform congregational prayers on Friday, nor of those belonging to the grand religious festivals. 

His son, Mohammad Mohsin (1819-1861), was more inclined towards politics. Better known as Dudu Mian, he incited his co-religionists, especially those of East Bengal, to resist by all means the tyranny and exactions of Hindu zamindars, money-lenders, and European indigo planters. He was arrested during the revolt of 1857. But, his disciples remained united in communal solidarity and maintained for a long time an anti-British sentiment.

The Tariqat movement struggled on two fronts: against internal decline and against the danger of foreign domination. The rich thoughts of Waliyullah served as the basis for regenerating classical Islam, while without losing medieval values.101 We have already discussed about the reformist activities during the movement. Due to the political climate, the leaders manifested more of the spirit of jihad. Under the leadership of Shah Ismail Shahid (1781-1831), grandson of his predecessor Sayyid Ahmad Brelawi (1782-1831), the partisans of the movement engaged in a long and harsh struggle against the Sikhs and the British. They even won a few battles. Sayyid Ahmad was installed at Peshawar as Khalifah (Caliph) before being martyred in 1831.

Thousands of Muslims sent their sons to fight in the movement and donated millions of rupees. The Bengalis, who traditionally had been considered timid in the eyes of the courageous Punjabis and Pathans, went more than 2,000 kilometers on foot to reach the field of battle and struggled bravely there until their death. Likewise in Bengal, Titu Mir (alias Muhammad Nisar Ali), an ardent partisan of the movement, fought in 1831 against a Hindu zamindar who levied a tax on those who wore beards, thus humiliating the pious Muslims. He was crushed in the end by the English.106 W.W. Hunter observes that, in spite of this,

"Everywhere they stirred the Muhammadan population to its depths; and although the keen intellect of the Bengali eventually gave its present tone to the movement, the revival burst forth with equal heat for a time in all provinces of India."

It is difficult to say if there existed any direct relationship between these mujahidins, or holy warriors, and the sepoys (soldiers) who launched the "mutiny" (1857) to recover their religious, political, and human rights through restoring the Moghul power. However, modern historians are unanimous in thinking that they had voluntarily participated in the insurrection, which was extended from Delhi to Bengal. Moreover, these mujahidins undertook secretly to restore Muslim power. After suppressing the sepoys, it was not difficult for the British to break the efforts of the mujahidins.

New currents of thought had also appeared in the Muslim community that rather aided the English. Under the direction of a great religious leader, Karamat Ali (died in 1873), a large portion of the movement sought merely to promote reforms which concerned only the Muslim society. Karamat Ali adhered to orthodoxy; but, he equally retained sufism that left its mark on the social evolution of the Muslims in Bengal.

On the political level, the association of Karamat Ali with Nawab Abdul Latif on the one hand and with the Anglo-Muslim entente of Sir Sayyid Ahmed on the other, constituted new elements of a Muslim awakening in modern India. Karamat Ali managed to produce a fatwa1 whereby the British India henceforth could be considered as dar al islam (an abode of peace), where the faithful Muslims could continue to enjoy the aman-i-awwal (religious security and Islamic statute). His efforts to get the fanatic ulemas to accept this fatwa constituted a major achievement. Thus, despite the crushing collapse, the Muslims in Bengal (and in India as well) f rediscovered their political life - and, this fact was expressed theologically as good subjects of the British Empire. And, it is from this point that we begin our study of the intellectual development among the Muslims, which was aided as well by other modern currents.

Before terminating these remarks, it will be befitting to repeat the statement that the influence of these religious movements did not stop at with that period, but have subsisted further to our own day. Intellectually it has always sought to regenerate an authentic Islam while weakening the burdens of medieval authorities on the Muslim spirit, Socially and politically, it inspired the Muslims, not only of Bengal but of all India, to affirm with a Seizure of Consciousness to sharpen their religious and political unity.

Thus, it is in the spirit of extreme exclusivity that the Muslim modernism, was advancing and with which we shall be concerned. But, the Hindu reforms and the rebirth of Bengali letters - we use these two terms to refer to what is called the "Bengali renaissancе" became constricted by an opposing exclusivity. The liberal ideas of Brahmoism, which had been at the base of the Hindu reawakening, were similarly stifled by tendencies of "aggressive Hinduism", The new literature manifested itself principally in opposition to the Muslims - "the former masters of the country". Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Nabin Chandra Sen, Rangalal Bandyopadhyaya, to cite only the apostles of the rebirth of Bengali literature, exhibited conscious!y or unconsciously, a kind of hostility towards Islam, and its adherents for the benefice of Hindu contribution to "Aryan" India. Successive generations, following the examples of this tendency, remained hostile or totally indifferent to the Muslims. The movements called "national", beginning from 1860, grew in an ever increasing number; but it remained basically exclusivist, if not Hinduist. The observations made by two Hindu leaders, intellectuals, and men of action, will enable us to assess the situation better. Rajnarayan Bose proposed: 

"We shall participate to the extent possible with the Muslims and other Indians in the political and other aspects of life. As a peasant cultivates not the entire country but a limited plot of land, our field of action will consist of Hindu society. We will consecrate our life to the fraternal reunion of Bengalis, Hindusthanis, Punjabis, Rajputs, Marathis, and Madrasis in order to form one Hindu spirit and to find the way to liberate ourselves."

In an article, Bhudev Mukhopadhyaya, for his part, praised the egalitarian forces of Islam; however, he remarked that, 

"Given time it is altogether possible that the Muslims will be identified as a caste of the Hindu society more or less as the Jains and the Sikhs are so considered."

Juxtaposed to the Muslim awakening, the political nationalism during that time gave rise to the national hyımn - "Bande Mataram" (Hail to Mother)- the cow pretection societies and the Shivaji festivals. All these things went counter to Muslim aspirations in India. A very small minority of the enlightened Muslims (especially the writers) tried to accommodate themselves to the Hindu manifestations. But, by a large majority, the intellectuals of the Muslim community were vehemently opposed to this sort of nationalism in order to establish a definitive separatism. The complexity of the problem was great. Let us consider, for example, the case of the Shivaji festival. Bipin Chandra Pal (1858-1932), a very popular liberal leader, even among the Muslims, consciously tried to create a "composite nationalism". However, he commented regarding this festival: 

"Shivaji was the symbol of Hindu nationalist sentiment. Without symbolism one cannot build a national movement. This symbol does not express antagonism against Muslims. The Hindus would readily accept that the latter celebrate а similar festival in the name of Akbar." 

Nevertheless, these arguments, although expressed in good faith, did not convince the Muslims because they knew very well that the historic confrontation between the Emperor and Shivaji was not with Akbar (1572-1605), the great Moghul Emperor of the spirit of synthesis, but with Aurangzeb (1658-1707), the last great Moghul and champion of Islamic orthodoxy. Being imbued with the religious ideas of the Traditionalists (which we have just considered) and the teachings of the Modernists (which we shall be considering in the chapters that follow), the Muslims cherished Aurangzeb, and not Akbar, despite the scholarly books written by Hindus which instructed them to the contrary. The multiple efforts made by the Muslims to write novels and epics with an exclusivist tendency, the hagiographic writings and, above all, the journals and reviews, reveal the position that they had taken vis-à-vis the encounter with the Hindu society more than they demonstrated their creative genius.

Literary success, however, crowned only their writings that were inspired by personal or social experiences. In this respect, the Muslim writers were influenced by the great masters of Bengali literature: Rabindranath Tagore, Satyendranath Dutt, Sarat Chandra Chatterjee, Bibhutibhushan Bandyopadhyaya, Manik Bandyopadhyaya, and others, while not always sharing their socio-political ideas. In other respects, they were eclipsed by these Hindu writers. To study them, we must place them in the proper perspectives of social and political life that conditioned the intellectual evolution of the Muslims of Bengal during that period of nearly one hundred years. We shall now make attempts to present the scene in the pages that follow.